The Gist
Project Spire is a £100 million Church of England reparations fund, announced in January 2023, that faces a legal challenge and a fierce historical dispute over whether the Church's predecessor fund, Queen Anne's Bounty, actually profited from the transatlantic slave trade — a question with direct consequences for Caribbean reparations advocates pressing for broader institutional accountability.
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What Happened
In January 2023, the Church of England announced Project Spire — a £100 million fund spread over nine years, established after forensic accountants Grant Thornton reviewed the ledgers of Queen Anne's Bounty, a predecessor to the Church's modern £10.1 billion endowment.
Their finding was stark: the Bounty had invested in the South Sea Company, which transported approximately 34,000 enslaved Africans across the Atlantic, accumulating profits worth an estimated £1.4 billion in today's money. Those profits, the Church acknowledged, were folded into the endowment fund that exists to this day.
The announcement prompted a public apology from then-Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby, who said he was "deeply sorry" for the Church's links to slavery.
Project Spire was designed to fund healing, justice and repair for communities most affected — including in the Caribbean, where the Church's missionary arm, the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, ran the Codrington plantation in Barbados and branded enslaved people with the word 'society' on their chests.
But the fund now faces two simultaneous threats. A legal challenge has been mounted over whether Church endowment money can lawfully be spent this way.
Separately, Professor Richard Dale of the University of Southampton — a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society — argues Grant Thornton confused two legally distinct entities: the slave-trading South Sea Company and the Joint Stock of South Sea Annuities, a government bond vehicle.
He contends Queen Anne's Bounty invested in the latter and "earned not one penny from the slave trade."
The Church's historical advisers have rejected that conclusion. Twenty-seven MPs and peers have since called for the fund to be scrapped entirely.
• Project Spire is a £100 million, nine-year fund announced in January 2023 • Forensic accountants Grant Thornton found Queen Anne's Bounty invested in the South Sea Company, which transported approximately 34,000 enslaved Africans • Profits were estimated at £1.4 billion in today's money and absorbed into the Church's modern endowment • Then-Archbishop Justin Welby issued a public apology and committed to the fund • The Church's USPG missionary arm ran the Codrington plantation in Barbados, branding enslaved people with the word 'society' • Project Spire faces a legal challenge over the lawful use of endowment funds • Professor Richard Dale argues Grant Thornton confused two legally separate South Sea entities and that the Bounty earned nothing from the slave trade • 27 MPs and peers have called for the fund to be abandoned
Church of England’s £100m Slave Reparations Fund By The Numbers
The Impact
For the Caribbean, Project Spire is not an abstract British institutional dispute. The Church of England ran plantations in Barbados through its missionary arm, the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, branding enslaved people with the word 'society' on their chests.
At least 96 Church of England clergy received British government compensation when slavery was abolished in 1833 — compensation that took until 2015 to repay.
If the Church's flagship reparations gesture collapses under legal challenge or historical revision, it sends a damaging signal to the broader AU-Caricom reparations movement at precisely the moment that movement has achieved its greatest international traction.
"123 nations voted in favour of the UN General Assembly resolution recognising transatlantic slavery as the gravest crime against humanity; only the US, Israel and Argentina voted against, while 52 countries — including the UK — abstained."
— BBC News, June 2026
Church of England’s £100m Slavery Reparations Fund By The Numbers
Total value of Project Spire, the Church of England’s slavery reparations initiative, committed by the Church Commissioners to be deployed over nine years as a "Fund for Healing, Repair and Justice".
Project Spire’s £100m is planned to be built up and deployed over three triennia, covering a nine‑year period through to 2031, alongside £3.6bn in other distributions from the Church Commissioners.
Approximate current value of the Church of England’s main endowment fund, descended from Queen Anne’s Bounty, against which the £100m reparations commitment amounts to just under 1% of total assets.
Estimated present‑day value of profits generated by Queen Anne’s Bounty’s historic investment in the South Sea Company, whose operations transported around 34,000 enslaved Africans; these profits were folded into the Church’s modern endowment.
Number of enslaved Africans transported by the South Sea Company, the firm in which Queen Anne’s Bounty invested, forming the basis of the Church Commissioners’ acknowledgement of a direct financial link to the transatlantic slave trade.
Comparison between the £100m set aside for Project Spire and the £3.6bn indicative distributions for standard Church purposes over the same nine‑year period, highlighting that reparations represent roughly 2.8% of planned Church Commissioners’ allocations.
The £100m Project Spire fund is financially modest relative to the Church of England’s £10.1bn endowment and its planned £3.6bn distributions to parishes, but symbolically significant as a dedicated reparations and justice initiative.
Historical analysis tying approximately £1.4bn (in today’s money) of Queen Anne’s Bounty profits to the South Sea Company’s transport of around 34,000 enslaved Africans underpins the moral case for reparations, yet is directly contested by historians who argue the investments were in government annuities rather than slave-trade profits.
The involvement of 27 MPs and peers and the Charity Commission in questioning the legality and charitable purpose of Project Spire shows that the fund’s impact will depend not only on its financial scale but on how convincingly the Church can justify reparations within its legal and historical framework.
Perspectives
The reparations commitment is a moral and Christian imperative: The Church Commissioners describe Project Spire as a 'moral imperative' for a responsible Christian investor. Bishop Mallett, a descendant of enslaved Africans who chairs the oversight committee, says the forensic evidence of the Church's financial entanglement with slavery demands tangible repentance, not silence.
The historical basis for Project Spire is fundamentally flawed and the fund should be abandoned: Professor Dale argues the Church Commissioners confused two legally distinct entities — the South Sea Company and the Joint Stock of South Sea Annuities — and that the Bounty's investments earned nothing from the slave trade. He says the Commissioners have a moral duty to correct a false historical narrative now embedded in global media and education.
Whatever the legal dispute, the Caribbean's lived reparations case is concrete and urgent: Farmer argues the Church's eventual support for abolition does not erase its role in initiating and sustaining enslavement. Mottley's updated Caricom manifesto, presented in Accra in June 2026, demands monetary compensation from churches, institutions and corporations — explicitly naming the entities now caught up in Project Spire's legal gridlock.
"When you're talking about the number of people who are trafficked, one person is one person too many. It has to be remembered that sometimes this can spiral off into discussions about numbers or profits, but actually these are human beings on ships."
— Dr Helen Paul, Economic historian, University of Southampton, via BBC InDepth
C360 View
The stalling of Project Spire matters far beyond Canterbury. For millions across the Caribbean diaspora who belong to the Anglican Communion, watching £100 million sit unspent while lawyers and academics argue over 18th-century bookkeeping is a deeply dispiriting spectacle.
The Caribbean’s relationship with the Church is not abstract history; it is a painful branch of family lineage. The Church's own missionary arm ran the Codrington plantation in Barbados, physically branding enslaved human beings with the word ‘society’ on their chests.
Furthermore, at least 96 Church of England clergy received massive British government compensation when slavery was abolished in 1833. That national debt took until 2015 for British taxpayers—including the Windrush generation and their descendants—to fully pay off.
Now, the promised £100 million fund is paralyzed by internal political backlash, charity law technicalities, and debates over whether predecessor funds held direct slave-trade shares or government bonds.
While historical accuracy matters, the broader moral case for reparative justice cannot be reduced to an accounting dispute. The horrors of Codrington and the multi-generational extraction of Caribbean wealth are verified historical facts, not ledger errors.
As Caricom’s reparations manifesto gains unprecedented momentum at the United Nations, the Church risks alienating its global flock by retreating behind administrative paralysis. A church that claims moral leadership cannot afford to let its repentance get permanently lost in committee.
Meanwhile, Seventh-day Adventism is now a larger religion than Anglicanism in Jamaica, with both the Prime Minister and the Governor-General belonging to that faith. It is a denomination with no connection to the history of slavery in the Caribbean—a stark contrast to the historical legacy that Anglicans and Roman Catholics will always have to face and, one day, truly come to terms with.
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